For weeks, Joe Biden has played coy about whether he’d pack the Supreme Court with liberals should he win the White House and Democrats take control of the Senate. The media has largely ignored the issue, as they have anything that might harm Biden’s chances.
So what else isn’t Biden, or the press, telling us? What else will voters learn after they’ve cast their ballots? We can think of five things that, had voters known about them before Nov. 3, would have no doubt sapped support for Biden.
1. Biden is a far-left liberal with a big agenda. In his first debate with President Donald Trump, Biden seemed to distance himself from his party’s far left. He said he wasn’t in favor of the Green New Deal, and didn’t support Medicare for All. His entire campaign is built around saying nothing about what he’d do as president, other than be a nice guy.
Biden’s succeeded because on the few occasions where he’s answered questions from the media, they lob him softballs. But make no mistake, Biden is fully on board with his party’s far-left agenda, something we’ve been pointing out in these pages for months.
The Green New Deal that Biden says he opposes, for example, is contradicted by his own campaign website: “Biden believes the Green New Deal is a crucial framework for meeting the climate challenges we face.”
Biden wants to eliminate carbon emissions from power plants by 2035, which is only five years later than the socialist Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s Green New Deal. He plans to reach net-zero carbon emissions for the entire country by 2050, which is the same deadline as the GND.
On Medicare for All, Biden has simply sidestepped the issue with his proposal to create a “public option” for everyone. Moderate Democrats rejected the public option in 2010 because they knew that it would quickly lead to the elimination of private insurance. Biden’s plan will reach the same destination as socialist Sen. Bernie Sanders’ Medicare for All.
Biden’s tax-and-spend plans are just as ambitious, and on social issues, Biden is as leftist as they get.
Should Biden win, he will be able to claim that he has a mandate to do all the things he’s never talked about during the campaign. And the press will be by his side screaming Mandate! Mandate!
2. Biden doesn’t have any plans to solve the COVID-19 problem. Biden endlessly claims that Trump fumbled his handling of the coronavirus pandemic, without ever saying what he’d do differently. When he has tried to make the case that he would have acted sooner, he comes up against his own contemporaneous statements undercutting his claims of better foresight.
Don’t be surprised, then, that Democrats and the press suddenly “discover” that the threat from COVID-19 has been exaggerated. They’ll point out that the CDC has been counting deaths with COVID-19, not from COVID-19.
They’ll further note that the deaths that have occurred were almost entirely concentrated among the old and very ill. They’ll discover that schools can and should reopen without posing undue risk. They’ll note that the case fatality rate has been steadily dropping. They’ll point to evidence that shutdowns don’t work. They’ll call for calm and for people to get back to their normal lives. And the press will suddenly lose interest in coronavirus death counts.
3. The economy has been doing much better than the public had been led to believe. Back in 1992, when George H.W. Bush was running for reelection, the press treated the economy as though it were in another depression, which just so happened to coincide with Bill Clinton’s campaign messaging. As soon as the election was over, coverage of the economy suddenly became more upbeat, and the public learned that the very mild recession had ended way back in March 1991. (A study of press coverage found that in October 1992, more than 90% of the economic news was negative. After the election, only 14% of the economic news was negative.)
Should Biden win, expect the press to reveal that, lo and behold, the recovery from the coronavirus shutdown had been much stronger than expected. They’ll highlight the fact that unemployment is well below the “experts” forecasts, and that GDP growth in the third quarter was well into the double digits. None of this could get reported before the election because it would have helped Trump.
4. There are some “concerns” about Biden’s mental abilities. It’s not hard to find evidence of Biden’s cognitive decline. All you have to do is watch him. He managed to keep it together during his debate with Trump and in the oh-so-friendly town hall meeting. But at almost every other event, Biden’s struggles with memory are abundantly clear.
The topic, however, has been ignored by the press because, well you know why. If Biden wins, this will suddenly become an acceptable topic of conversation, especially when there’s a far more reliably leftist vice president waiting in the wings.
5. Hate-filled politics wasn’t caused by Trump. Last, the public will soon learn that Trump wasn’t the source of the hateful politics on display over the past four years. The cause of the hatred, the bitterness, the violence, had nothing to do with Trump’s personality. It had to do with his embrace of conservative policies.
Make no mistake, whoever espouses limited government, lower taxes, greater individual freedom – even if they have the demeanor of Mr. Rogers – will be branded as a hate-mongering fascist worthy of censorship, bullying, and violence.
This is all speculation, of course. But it’s speculation based on decades of observations.
There is one thing we know for certain. If Trump wins against all expectations, Democrats will say he cheated, that the Russians helped him, that he should be immediately impeached. And there will be riots across the nation.
Editor’s note: We had inadvertently put George H.W. Bush’s reelection year as 1996, although the rest of the paragraph made it clear we were referring to 1992. It’s been corrected.
— Written by the I&I Editorial Board