As courts continue to invent excuses to refuse to hear the mounting documentation of a stolen 2020 presidential election, it is becoming clear that the final path to a resolution for the country may be found only by casting conflicting slates of electors in those states with evidence that President Donald Trump’s win was corruptly denied. The most detailed and persuasive outline of those election thefts can be found in Trump adviser Peter Navarro’s 36-page review of the election entitled “The Immaculate Deception – Six Key Dimensions of Voting Irregularities”.
After midnight on Election Day, the vote count in six battleground states was mysteriously halted – all at about the same time – and “everyone” was told to go home. At the time, Trump was comfortably ahead in four of the six states and headed to easy reelection. The vote margins for Trump on election night in the now suspect states were: Georgia – 356,945; Pennsylvania – 555,189; Michigan – 293,062; Wisconsin – 112,022.
In two more battleground states, Arizona and Nevada, Biden was only narrowly ahead. But projections showed that Trump would win when all the legal votes were properly counted.
Democrats have a long history of election tampering and ballot fraud, going back over the previous two centuries. The corrupt political machine in New York in the 1800s was called “Tammany Hall.” In the 20th century in Chicago, corruption was known by the name of former Mayor Richard Daley. The “Daley Machine” was ultimately exposed in the 1960 presidential election helping John Kennedy take Illinois from Richard Nixon. Plus, some dirty tricks in Texas put Kennedy over the top (former Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson of Texas was on the ballot that year as Kennedy’s vice president).
The practice in 1960 was to call Daley in Chicago and inform him of the number of votes needed in his city to overcome the downstate Republican votes. This year, that same tactic was employed in all six battleground states by various methods. In fact, the voting irregularities are more than enough to change the results in all six states, crying out for prompt correction. For example, in Georgia, a long-time Republican state, Biden’s final lead is only 11,779, with more than 400,000 ballots in question. In Arizona, another long-time Republican state, Biden’s margin is only 10,457, with over 100,000 disputed votes.
In usually Democrat Wisconsin, Biden’s lead is a mere 20,626 votes, with over 200,000 contested. In swing-state Pennsylvania, Biden’s lead is 81,660, with over 600,000 in contention. Any three or four of these six states going from Biden to Trump would keep Trump in the White House.
Among the proven election irregularities leading to these disputes in these six battleground states are bribery, ballot destruction and the illegal manufacturing of ballots. Additionally, voting by unlawful voters (illegal aliens, felons, and out-of-state voters) in these key states, plus deceased voters and multiple counting of the same Biden votes, were other means used to deliver the election to Biden.
The description of what happened – per Navarro’s report – does not include evidence surrounding Dominion and other shady computer systems. Nor does it factor in the outright abuse of existing state voting laws, as the recent Texas Supreme Court challenge raised. Moreover, it is silent on the obvious down-ballot anomaly of a Republican wave, except for Trump. This is not to suggest these dishonest processes or irregularities were insignificant; rather, it serves to note that we have not yet begun to scratch the surface of all the fraudulent means employed.
The focus now turns to the legislatures in the states where there are strong GOP majorities responsible to correct these outrages. By meeting and filing an alternative slate of electors for Trump, these aggrieved states can direct the U.S. Congress to step in on Jan. 6 and reject the tally of the Dec. 14 Electoral College favoring Biden. This can then throw the election to the House of Representatives, where the final decision is made based on one vote per state. Republicans now hold a 10-state majority in the House, which means Trump would ultimately win reelection, as was rightfully his on Nov. 3.
Lew Uhler is founder and chairman of the National Tax Limitation Committee and National Tax Limitation Foundation. He was a contemporary and collaborator with Ronald Reagan and Milton Friedman in California and across the country. Peter Ferrara served as a member of the White House Office of Policy Development under Reagan, associate deputy attorney general of the United States under President George H.W. Bush, and Dunn Liberty Fellow in Economics at The Kings College in New York.